By Rajiv Shah
Are we going to stand back and spectate while the ugly foundations of a modern‑day dystopia are laid in front of our eyes? Or will our common humanity unite us and compel us to act to help save the people of Gaza? In saving them, we save ourselves.”
The world watches Gaza bleed. Television screens are awash with images of children pulled from rubble, of hospitals overwhelmed, of civilians fleeing with nowhere to go. Understandably, these images evoke deep empathy and outrage.
In one such moment, Queen Rania of Jordan — known for her global humanitarian voice — penned an op-ed titled “Gaza: The Makings of a Modern Day Dystopia,” first published on her official website and social media on July 24, 2014, and subsequently in Brazil’s O Estado de S. Paulo on Saturday, July 26, 2014, titled “Gaza: A Modern Dystopia”. She appealed passionately for empathy and international solidarity:
“Are we going to stand back and spectate while the ugly foundations of a modern-day dystopia are laid before our eyes?”…coinciding with the peak of Israel’s Operation Protective Edge.
Her words, filled with anguish and compassion, struck a chord with many. But her royal reflection, heartfelt as it may be, is not without historical blind spots.
In response, Dr. Sergio Simon, one of Brazil’s top oncologists and a concerned global citizen, penned a powerful open letter to Queen Rania on May 30, 2024, expressing his disagreement with the selective narrative. His letter was widely circulated and published on multiple Brazilian and international platforms, including Gazeta do Povo.
His words were not intended to attack, but to remind global leaders that narratives must include the whole picture if they are to support peace and justice.
Dr. Sergio Simon’s Letter (Dated May 30, 2024):
“Her Majesty Queen Rania al Abdullah of Jordan
I live in Brazil, a country far from your beautiful Jordan. But even from here, we watched Hamas launch a barbaric terrorist attack on Israel on October 7, 2023. They killed more than 1,200 innocent people — mostly civilians — raped women, burned babies, kidnapped children, and used Gaza civilians as human shields.
You, a representative of a royal Arab family, did not publicly condemn this horror. Your voice — powerful and global — chose silence when Israeli children were beheaded. Yet today, you appeal to the world’s conscience, rightly, for the suffering of Gaza’s civilians, while ignoring the barbarism that provoked this war.
How many Arab leaders condemned Hamas? Where was the unified Arab voice when Israeli women were raped?
The Short Memory of Arab Rulers
..The backdrop? Following the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Jordan became a refuge for hundreds of thousands of displaced Palestinians. Many were placed in camps — technically refugees, yet residing in what was then still considered part of historic Palestine.
Over time, the PLO gained influence, effectively creating a state within a state. Armed clashes with Jordanian forces escalated, and by September 1970, the Jordanian monarchy viewed the PLO as an existential threat.The result was devastating.
Black September: Jordan’s Forgotten War
Dr. Simon’s letter draws attention to a grim episode from Jordan’s own past — the events of September 1970, known as Black September.
He recalled that just weeks after Queen Rania’s birth in August 1970, her father-in-law, King Hussein of Jordan, launched a brutal crackdown on Palestinian guerrillas during what became known as Black September.
The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), then led by Yasser Arafat, was accused of trying to overthrow the Jordanian monarchy and turn Jordan into a Palestinian state.
“In that crackdown,” wrote Dr. Simon, “nearly 20,000 Palestinians were killed—according to Arafat himself. The King, backed by loyal Jordanian forces, ended the PLO’s challenge by July 1971.”
Queen Rania, he noted, might rightly ask: “Why were there still Palestinian refugees in Jordan in 1970—22 years after leaving Israel in 1948?”
A letter that swiftly went viral in intellectual and diaspora circles. In it, Dr. Simon praised her compassion but reminded her of the Hashemite Kingdom’s complex — and at times violent — relationship with the very people .
By July 1971, the PLO was expelled from Jordan, moving its operations to Lebanon — setting the stage for that country’s future civil war. That was the time when Arab world disintegrated from Palestinian.
This historical episode is rarely mentioned in modern discourse about Gaza, but it is crucial in understanding the Arab world’s complex and sometimes contradictory treatment of the Palestinian issue.
The Refugee Question: Absorption vs. Perpetuation
Dr. Simon raises another uncomfortable truth: Palestinian refugees, displaced in 1948 and again in 1967, were not fully integrated into the societies of neighboring countries. Lebanon, and Syria hosted them in camps — often under restrictive legal conditions. Often at a price from humanitarian organisations.
In contrast, he notes, Jewish refugees — over 800,000 who fled or were expelled from Arab lands after Israel’s independence — were absorbed by Israel within a generation.
They became doctors, professors, and politicians, woven into the fabric of Israeli society.
Could the same not have been done for Palestinians? Why did Arab states not pursue integration — economically, socially, or legally — of fellow Arabs displaced by war?
The answer lies in decades of political calculus. Maintaining the refugee status of Palestinians allowed Arab regimes to keep pressure on Israel, to rally pan-Arab sentiment, and to avoid internal political risks. Integration was postponed, peace deferred.
Hamas, UNRWA, and the Complexity of Conflict
Dr. Simon does not spare criticism of Hamas either. He points out that Gaza’s rulers have prioritized military confrontation with Israel over building civilian infrastructure, often using civilian sites as shields — a charge echoed by international observers, including then–UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
He expresses concern over fundraising appeals for UNRWA, the UN’s agency for Palestinian refugees, alleging some of its facilities were misused for storing weapons — a claim periodically investigated but always politically sensitive.
UNRWA and the Weaponization of Aid
Queen Rania, in her 2014 article, urged donations to UNRWA—the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees.
Dr. Simon did not deny the need for aid, but pointed to troubling evidence: even UNRWA schools have reportedly been used as weapons storage facilities by Hamas,. In August 2014, then–UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon publicly condemned the use of UNRWA schools to store rockets, calling such actions “monstrous war crimes” during an emergency session on the protection of civilians in armed conflict.
UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, was established on December 8, 1949, by UN General Assembly Resolution 302(IV), and began operations on May 1, 1950. Its original mandate was to provide relief and works programs for Palestinian refugees, later expanding into education, healthcare, and social services. Despite these services, UNRWA has also been at the center of controversy, with critics alleging it perpetuates refugee dependency and fails to foster long-term solutions.
This raises a critical question: What has the UN truly done since the 1960s to resolve the Palestinian question? Has it merely been a helpless witness to the region’s political stagnation? Or has it accepted a passive humanitarian role while regional powers manipulated the issue for geopolitical gain? The persistent presence of camps seven decades after their creation suggests a deeper failure of political will and international diplomacy.
Dr. Simon appealed to Queen Rania to go beyond rhetoric:
“Your Majesty can play a unique role. Urge Arab leaders to
integrate Palestinians into their societies. Recognize Israel. Promote peace, religious freedom, and gender equality. Stop educating children to hate.”
His conclusion was both respectful and pointed:
The Black September conflict left a deep scar in the Arab–Palestinian relationship.
These are legitimate points. Yet, one cannot overlook the disproportionate suffering of ordinary Gazans — who live in dire conditions. If Arab league would have taken steps from 1950s onwards, this would not have happened.
The people of Gaza deserve peace and freedom — not under Hamas rule, but in true democracy. Let us tell the full story. Let the dead from all sides be honored with truth.”
The Role of Arab Leadership Today
As Dr. Simon notes, Queen Rania — elegant, articulate, and influential — has a unique platform. Her moral authority could press fellow Arab leaders toward genuine solutions:
- Integration of Palestinians in Arab societies where they already live
- Normalization of relations with Israel based on recognition and peaceful coexistence
- Rejection of extremism, both Islamist and nationalist
- Empowerment of Palestinian civil institutions not controlled by armed groups
Peace will not come through speeches alone, but through acts of political courage. Queen Rania’s passion could be a catalyst — if paired with introspection about the region’s own past.
The Fairness of Memory
Dr. Simon closes his letter with a poetic line: “So tonight, Queen Rania, when she asks the magic mirror, ‘Mirror, mirror on the wall, who in the country is the fairest of them all?’ the mirror will reply, ‘You, my Queen, are the fairest of them all — fair not only for the beauty Allah has given you, but for being fair in all aspects.’
It is a call not for confrontation, but for fairness — a plea that the suffering in Gaza not be used as a mirror that reflects only one side. For justice to prevail, the region must remember not only the bombs of today, but also the buried truths of yesterday.
References:
- Queen Rania’s Op-ed: Gaza: A Modern Dystopia, O Estado de S. Paulo, July 26, 2014
- Sergio Simon’s letter, reposted in various diaspora blogs, 2014
- Black September Conflict: Wikipedia, Truth of the Middle East
- Mohammed Al‑Shaikh quote on Arab handling of Palestinian refugees, RT Arabic, Aug 14, 2019
- UN Reports on Gaza: Ban Ki-moon Statements, 2014
(Author is a senior legal and media columnist with decades of experience analyzing global trends in law, technology, and finance. Views are personal.)
